Il ne s’agit pas ici de rentrer dans les d ?tails du contenu du projet de directive sur les services, mais de montrer en quoi ce texte correspond ? l’ ?tape actuelle de la construction europ ?enne. Il s’agit donc ici de d ?crire la logique ? l’œuvre dans l’Union europ ?enne (UE) et de comprendre, dans ce cadre, l’apparition d’un tel texte.
Contrairement ? ce qui est g ?n ?ralement expliqu ?, la construction europ ?enne n’est pas un processus lin ?aire dont le point de d ?part serait le trait ? de Rome de 1957 et dont l’aboutissement logique serait la situation actuelle. Curieusement ce type d’analyse est partag ? tant par les thurif ?raires de l’Union europ ?enne que par ces critiques les plus acerbes. En r ?alit ?, la construction europ ?enne est une suite de ruptures qui en changent le sens et en modifient l’ ?volution.
Le trait ? de Rome instaure un ?march ? commun ?. Il s’agit en fait de la coexistence de march ?s nationaux ayant chacun leurs propres r ?gles. Le March ? commun induit simplement une baisse progressive des droits de douane entre les diff ?rents pays de la communaut ? afin de permettre une libre circulation des marchandises et instaure un tarif ext ?rieur commun . Cette organisation correspond d’ailleurs ? une phase particuli ?re du capitalisme qui est ? l’ ?poque r ?gul ? sur une base essentiellement nationale et qui s’appuie sur le d ?veloppement du march ? national.
Un arr ?t de 1979 de la Cour de justice, l’arr ?t ?Cassis de Dijon ? va permettre de compl ?ter le dispositif. Cet arr ?t vise ? lever le blocage des importations par des ?normes pr ?textes ? mis en place par les ?tats pour prot ?ger leurs produits nationaux. Cet arr ?t stipule que si un produit peut ?tre vendu dans un ?tat membre de la communaut ?, il peut l’ ?tre dans tous. Il s’agit donc de l’application du principe du pays d’origine (PPO) pour les marchandises. Le projet de directive Bolkestein n’invente donc pas le PPO, il l’ ?tend aux services. Rien de nouveau donc nous disent ses partisans. En fait, ils oublient trois aspects. Tout d’abord la diff ?rence entre les marchandises et les services  mais aussi le fait que, suite ? cet arr ?t, la Commission a ?labor ? des centaines de directives d’harmonisation par le haut des normes de production industrielle et de qualit ? des produits. Mais surtout, ils feignent d’oublier que l’Europe d’aujourd’hui n’a plus grand chose ? voir avec celle de l’ ?poque.
En 1979, l’Europe c’est neuf pays : les six pays initiaux plus la Grande-Bretagne , l’Irlande et le Danemark. Il s’agit donc, ? l’exception de l’Irlande d’un espace relativement homog ?ne socialement et ?conomiquement. En 1981, la Gr ?ce, puis en 1986 l’Espagne et le Portugal s’y int ?grent. Pour favoriser l’int ?gration des nouveaux entrants, sont d ?velopp ?s des ?fonds structurels ? et des ?fonds de coh ?sion ? dont les montants vont r ?guli ?rement augmenter. Il s’agit par l ? d’aider par des transferts financiers les pays nouveaux entrants afin de favoriser la construction d’un espace europ ?en relativement homog ?ne. Il y a donc une tentative de mettre en ?uvre des politiques publiques europ ?ennes.
L’adoption de l’Acte unique en 1986, compl ?t ? par le trait ? de Maastricht en 1992, constitue une rupture fondamentale dans la construction de l’Europe. L’objectif est de mettre en place un march ? unique des marchandises des capitaux et des services. ? une cohabitation de march ?s nationaux doit se substituer un march ? europ ?en unifi ?, avec l’ouverture ? la concurrence comme axe principal de construction. Directement d ?riv ? des trait ?s europ ?ens, le droit de la concurrence va d ?sormais jouer v ?ritablement un r ?le de droit ?constitutionnel ? en Europe. Face ? ce droit de port ?e normative, les autres textes europ ?ens apparaissent comme de simples d ?clarations d’intention sans aucune port ?e op ?rationnelle. L’exemple des services publics en offre une parfaite illustration. L’article 90 du trait ? de Rome - devenu 86 du trait ? actuel-, soumet, de fait, les services publics ? la concurrence. Il n’avait pas ?t ? utilis ? pendant une trentaine d’ann ?es. Il devient ? cette ?poque la base juridique qui permet de d ?r ?glementer les grands services publics de r ?seau (t ?l ?communications, ?nergie, rail, activit ?s postales).
L’instauration du march ? unique correspond d’ailleurs ? une transformation en profondeur du capitalisme. A un capitalisme bas ? essentiellement sur le march ? national, succ ?de un capitalisme globalis ? et une ?r ?gionalisation ? des ?changes (80 % des marchandises produites en Europe sont vendues en Europe). Le march ? unique ne se contente pas de prendre acte de cette situation, il l’acc ?l ?re avec l’objectif du march ? europ ?en des capitaux, des marchandises et des services.
Mais, cette volont ? de construire un march ? int ?rieur unifi ? s’accompagne d’une volont ? d’homog ?n ?iser l’espace europ ?en que ce soit par des politiques de rattrapage avec les fonds europ ?ens ou par des directives d’harmonisation dont on peut discuter le contenu, mais qui visaient ? combattre les diff ?renciations entre pays. Il s’agit donc d’une lib ?ralisation tout azimut, mais accompagn ?e de politiques visant ? ?galiser les conditions de la concurrenceS sauf sur deux points, le fiscal et le social, qui vont devenir essentiels avec l’ ?largissement de 2004.
L’ ?largissement de l’Union en 2004 ? dix nouveaux pays est la deuxi ?me grande rupture dans la construction europ ?enne. Le choix de l’approfondissement, avec la construction d’une Europe politique et l’harmonisation sociale et fiscale, est balay ? au nom d’une mystique europ ?enne qui aboutit ? un ?largissement sans quasiment aucun d ?bat public et encore moins une consultation des peuples. Dans ces conditions, derri ?re le choix de l’ ?largissement, c’est de fait le choix de transformer l’Union europ ?enne en simple zone de libre- ?change qui se profile. En effet, au vu de l’h ?t ?rog ?n ?it ? extr ?me des Etats membres tout processus d’harmonisation devient extr ?mement difficile. Pour ne citer qu’un chiffre qui montre l’ampleur du probl ?me, le co ?t horaire de la main-d’œuvre est de 2,42 euros en Lettonie contre 23 euros dans l’Europe des quinze  .
Cette harmonisation est rendue d’autant plus difficile que les crit ?res de Maastricht r ?duisent les marges de manœuvre budg ?taires des ?tats et que les diff ?rents gouvernements sont lanc ?s dans une politique lib ?rale de baisse des imp ?ts. Pour aider au rattrapage de ces pays, il faudrait augmenter de fa ?on consid ?rable le budget europ ?en limit ?, par une d ?cision du Conseil, ? 1,27 % du PIB  europ ?en et qui ne d ?passe pas aujourd’hui 1 %. Les contributeurs nets ? ce budget, dont la France, ont clairement indiqu ? leur volont ? de ne pas d ?passer ce chiffre. Une augmentation importante du budget europ ?en supposerait par ailleurs la cr ?ation d’une fiscalit ? europ ?enne, notamment sur le capital, mesure ?videmment refus ?e par les diff ?rents gouvernements.
Le projet de directive Bolkestein ne fait que tirer les cons ?quences logiques de cette situation. Puisque l’harmonisation est rendue difficile, sinon impossible en l’absence de volont ? politique, c’est la concurrence entre les Etats et les peuples qui doit devenir la r ?gle, d’o ? la g ?n ?ralisation du principe du pays d’origine. En imposant qu’un prestataire de services  soit soumis ? la loi du pays o ? il est ?tabli et non plus ? la loi du pays o ? il r ?side, le projet de directive appara ?t comme une incitation l ?gale aux d ?localisations vers les pays de l’Union o ? r ?gnent les moins-disants sociaux, fiscaux et environnementaux et o ? la protection des consommateurs est moindre. L’harmonisation vers le haut des droits des habitants de l’Europe serait alors renvoy ?e ? un futur ind ?termin ?. Repousser le projet de directive Bolkestein, ce qui est aujourd’hui possible et n ?cessaire, n’a de sens que si ce combat s’inscrit dans une perspective plus vaste, celui de la construction d’une Europe solidaire qui permette que cette harmonisation ne reste pas un r ?ve pour ses habitants.
 La mise en place de la politique agricole commune n’est pas l’objet de ce texte.
 Les services ne sont pas stockables et sont consomm ?s imm ?diatement. La qualit ? d’un service d ?pend essentiellement du comportement du prestataire qui le fournit. D’o ? l’importance des normes qui r ?gissent sa production.
 On peut d’ailleurs se demander si l’adh ?sion sans conditions de la Grande-Bretagne en 1972, suite ? l’ ?chec de l’Association europ ?enne de libre ?change (AELE) qu’elle avait essay ? de promouvoir face au March ? commun, n’est pas le premier moment d’involution de la construction europ ?enne.
 Le co ?t horaire de la main d’œuvre est de 3,80 euros en Tch ?quie, 4,48 en Pologne, 8,98 en Slov ?nie.
 Produit int ?rieur brut
 Les services repr ?sentent 70 % du PIB de l’Union.
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